Far Western Superiority: Evergreen Cowboys and The New Outdoorsman

Sentimental Research

Oct 10, 2026

Far Western Superiority, evergreen cowboys and the new outdoorsman: this section should be the abstract of the article, essential information, at a glance STAR method. What we did, how we did it, yada yada. Motivations and key findings for the client. Plus a summary of the brand, the space that we worked in, etc.


Far Western Superiority, evergreen cowboys and the new outdoorsman: this section should be the abstract of the article, essential information, at a glance STAR method. What we did, how we did it, yada yada. Motivations and key findings for the client. Plus a summary of the brand, the space that we worked in, etc.

Defining Characteristics


Street style is best understood not as a collection of looks but as a direction of travel. Ted Polhemus, whose 1994 Streetstyle: From Sidewalk to Catwalk, remaining the foundational text of the field, defines the category by where its innovations originate rather than purely visual characteristics. Polhemus’ “bubble up” model describes aesthetic material as emergent from low-status groups and moving upwards into the fashion system, inverting classical models of fashion from Simmel & Veblen (SOURCE) in which the upper classes dictate the direction of flow. Polhemus pairs this with a second distinction that is easy to overlook but more useful than the first: that fashion is progressive, forever chasing the “New Look,” while street style is reconstructive, reassembling codes that already exist. 


SCUFFERS sits squarely inside this recombinant definition. Its design vocabulary consists of washed fabrics, oversized garments, visible graphics, and inflection towards a European register, is not novel, and its provenance is clearly upwards (Cruz Vega and López Reinoso printing tees in Madrid at 16 and 17). This categorization though is not uncontested; a well-established counter-reading holds that an innovation appearing to originate at a social fringe does not have the momentum or power to become a trend until some version of the elite adopts it, which makes Polhemus’ bubble-up model merely trickle-down in disguise. We accept a version of this objection, and it actually becomes load-bearing in Section III, where we present our argument that street style, and thus SCUFFERS, can be controlled based on who performs the act of ratification. 

Defining Characteristics


Street style is best understood not as a collection of looks but as a direction of travel. Ted Polhemus, whose 1994 Streetstyle: From Sidewalk to Catwalk, remaining the foundational text of the field, defines the category by where its innovations originate rather than purely visual characteristics. Polhemus’ “bubble up” model describes aesthetic material as emergent from low-status groups and moving upwards into the fashion system, inverting classical models of fashion from Simmel & Veblen (SOURCE) in which the upper classes dictate the direction of flow. Polhemus pairs this with a second distinction that is easy to overlook but more useful than the first: that fashion is progressive, forever chasing the “New Look,” while street style is reconstructive, reassembling codes that already exist.1


SCUFFERS sits squarely inside this recombinant definition. Its design vocabulary consists of washed fabrics, oversized garments, visible graphics, and inflection towards a European register, is not novel, and its provenance is clearly upwards (Cruz Vega and López Reinoso printing tees in Madrid at 16 and 17).2 This categorization though is not uncontested; a well-established counter-reading holds that an innovation appearing to originate at a social fringe does not have the momentum or power to become a trend until some version of the elite adopts it, which makes Polhemus’ bubble-up model merely trickle-down in disguise. We accept a version of this objection, and it actually becomes load-bearing in Section III, where we present our argument that street style, and thus SCUFFERS, can be controlled based on who performs the act of ratification. 

1 Example Citation Goes here. See if you can play with static positions

2 Second example citation goes here. Testing testing testing.

Mechanisms


If the domain of Scuffers is defined by direction of travel, then its commercial engine is defined by the conversion of knowledge into status, and hence status into sales and price. Sarah Thornton’s 1995 Club Cultures supplies the operative concept. Building on Bourdieu (SOURCE), Thornton coins the term “subcultural capital” to account for the distinctions drawn by self-consciously “cool” youth, and in particular for their disparagement of a “mainstream” against which they measure their own worth by distance away from conformity to it. Her definition of hipness can be seen as a requirement for a drop-model brand: being in the know, using currently stand and trends without overuse, and appears “born” to the latest moves.


While the terminology she describes may be antiquated more than 30 years on from writing, the critical property remains evergreen—that subcultural capital converts into economic capital. Scarcity of knowledge, not scarcity of material, is what customers pay for if the brand indeed occupies a bottom-up, street style, subcultural capital intensive category. 

Enabling Conditions


What has changed since 1995 is the cost of producing a signal of knowledge. Here, Brent Luvaas’ 2016 Street Style: An Ethnography of Fashion Blogging, expands on this idea in the context of the digital age. Lucas documents amateur photographers with no formal training in fashion becoming arbiters of taste, shaping what appears in magazines and on runways, and putting new cities into the collective consciousness of the industry. Luvaas’ central finding is that the distinction between amateur and professional, insider and outsider, the self (in terms of customer) and the brand, have collapsed.


There is no type of person credible enough to participate in street style, there is no clearly defined subculture as a gateway, and there are no icons or leaders of the style. The professionalized amateur is now the default producer online of legitimacy in the category, which means that the signal of being in the know simultaneously has almost no requirement threshold and is extremely sensitive to perceived ignorance. In other words, it is cheap to make and expensive to fake. 

Substrate


Outside of directionality and knowledge exists as a force behind the category SCUFFERS occupies. The consumption of the Other is a theme that this report will return to repeatedly. Introduced in Bell Hooks’ 1992 Eating the Other, the commodification of Otherness succeeds because it is offered as a more intense and satisfying experience than the ordinary. For example, ethnicity functions as seasoning for an otherwise bland mainstream monoculture.


This exchange erases the very difference it markets, decontextualizing the Other’s history in the process. While this relationship is bidirectional in status and class, within the context of Street style this consumption has always drawn its charge from the aesthetics of constrained circumstance, sold onwards to the unconstrained—it takes from below and is promoted upwards. SCUFFERS already operates inside this economy.


The strategic question this report addresses is not whether to participate in it but which Others, geographies, and cultures to participate in, and on what terms. 

Here you put your sources, acknowledgements, citation. Remember, last page is 88 bottom padding

Example Citation Goes here. See if you can play with static positions

Example Citation Goes here. See if you can play with static positions. Use absolute positioning.

© 2026 Sentimental Research All Rights Reserved

Made with love in Barcelona, Paris, and New York City

© 2026 Sentimental Research All Rights Reserved

Made with love in Barcelona, Paris, and New York City